Andrej Babiš: Political Profile

Andrej Babiš (71 years old) is a Czech billionaire entrepreneur and media magnate (net worth €3.3 billion, 7th richest person in the Czech Republic) who entered politics in the early 2010s. He is the founder and long-standing leader of the right-centrist populist political movement (party) ANO, which he has repeatedly led to electoral success. A former Prime Minister of the Czech Republic, he is a figure that is both polarising and highly influential in shaping the country’s politics. Babiš remains a dominant yet controversial political actor due to his business ties, confrontational behaviour, numerous investigations and court cases, combining populist rhetoric with a technocratic style of governance.

Birth, family and early years

Andrej Babiš was born on 2 September 1954 in Bratislava (Czechoslovakia, now Slovakia) into a family closely connected to foreign trade structures and the party elite of socialist Czechoslovakia. His father, Štefan Babiš (1922–2002), a Slovak from Hlohovec, graduated from the University of Economics in Bratislava and held several positions in foreign trade companies and government institutions, including posts abroad. He built a career as a trade attaché at the Permanent Mission of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic to the United Nations in Geneva (1969–1975). Andrej Babiš’s relationship with his father was difficult: he was a strict authority figure who promoted Spartan upbringing.

His mother, Adriana Babišová (1927–2008), née Šaibnerová, was born in the town of Yasinia (Subcarpathian Rus, Czechoslovakia, now Zakarpattia Oblast, Ukraine) into a family of Carpathian Germans; after the Second World War, the family was repatriated to Czechoslovakia. She graduated from the University of Economics in Bratislava. She worked in research institutions, including the Institute of Marxism–Leninism in Bratislava, and actively participated in the activities of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. She is described as an intelligent, energetic, educated and elegant woman. According to Babiš, his mother was the driving force of the family and fought to ensure that her sons (Andrej and his brother Alexander, who is seven years younger) studied well and succeeded in life.

His school years were divided between Czechoslovakia and his father’s foreign assignments: Andrej lived abroad and partially studied in Paris and Geneva. He received his secondary education at a grammar school, after which he studied international trade at the University of Economics in Bratislava, graduating with honours in 1978. He is fluent in English, French, German and Russian. Babiš holds dual citizenship — Slovak and Czech: he obtained Czech citizenship by declaration in 2000, while retaining Slovak citizenship by origin. Despite holding dual citizenship, he primarily identifies himself as Czech.

Career: from business to politics

After graduating from university, Andrej Babiš began working by state assignment at the Slovak state foreign trade company Chemapol Bratislava (later Petrimex), which traded in agrochemicals, chemical products and petroleum products. In 1985, he was appointed as a representative of Petrimex in Morocco. From 1980 to 1989, he was a member of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia; reports have also referred to his alleged links to the Czechoslovak State Security service (StB), which he himself denies. Overall, this background was typical for a foreign trade specialist during the period of late socialism.

In 1991, following the “Velvet Revolution”, he returned to Czechoslovakia and became head of a commercial group at Petrimex. After the division of the country into the Czech Republic and Slovakia (“Velvet Divorce”) in 1993, he moved from Bratislava (Slovakia) to the Czech Republic.

The Agrofert holding. In January 1993, Agrofert was established as a subsidiary of Petrimex. Babiš was appointed Managing Director of Agrofert in the Czech Republic, initially positioning the company as a wholesale trading business.

Agrofert was recapitalized by a little-known Swiss company OFI, to which control was transferred from Petrimex. Shortly thereafter, Babiš became the 100-percent owner of Agrofert; however, the source of financing for this transaction was never publicly disclosed. Petrimex dismissed Babiš and subsequently engaged in unsuccessful legal proceedings against him, alleging financial interference in the company’s activities and the takeover of its subsidiary. The sources of financing during the initial phase of development and the transfer of control became the subject of criticism by political opponents and journalistic investigations; Babiš, however, has stated that the company was financed through private loans and entrepreneurial risk typical of the 1990s.

Following this, Babiš began aggressively expanding Agrofert, acquiring agricultural enterprises, cooperatives, food-processing and chemical companies in the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Germany. The company’s history is closely linked to privatization processes and strategic acquisitions during the post-communist transition period, including major transactions in petrochemicals and fertilizer production. By 2011, the structure had evolved into the largest Czech vertically integrated holding, comprising approximately two hundred companies across the agricultural, food, chemical, petrochemical and media sectors. Agrofert became one of the largest companies in the Czech Republic, with annual revenues exceeding €8 billion; the group employs around 30,000 people in 15 countries, of whom approximately 20,000 are based in the Czech Republic.

Babiš led the Agrofert holding as Chairman of the Board and CEO until 2014, when he fully entered politics; he remained the owner of the company until 2017, after which he transferred the holding’s assets into trust while occupying public office.

Political career

Beginnings. In 2011, Andrej Babiš founded the ANO 2011 movement (“Action of Dissatisfied Citizens”, which in Czech also means “Yes”), positioning it as a reformist, anti-corruption and anti-elitist force challenging the established political parties of the Czech Republic. Its technocratic-populist agenda was based on the idea of “running the state like a firm”, combating bureaucracy and inefficiency, promoting anti-corruption narratives, and shifting the focus from ideology to the achievement of key performance criteria and “sound economic management”.

In 2012, the movement was transformed into the political party ANO. ANO represents a hybrid form of a “business-firm party” and a personalist party. The party was created and financed as a project of Andrej Babiš, making use of the resources of his holding and a corporate management model. ANO’s electoral identity is built primarily around the personality of Babiš rather than around an ideological platform. The party demonstrates a high degree of centralization, weak internal democracy and personalized leadership, in which strategic decisions are taken primarily by the leader or under his control. This strengthens party discipline, minimizes internal conflicts and ensures coordinated decision-making.

At the parliamentary elections of 2013, ANO became the second-largest party with 47 seats in parliament, making Babiš a prominent political actor. He served as Minister of Finance and Deputy Prime Minister in coalition governments from 2014 to 2017.

Premiership. Following ANO’s victory in the parliamentary elections of 2017 (29.6% of the vote and 78 seats), Babiš was appointed Prime Minister of the Czech Republic on 6 December 2017, heading a minority government. In 2018, it became a coalition government with the participation of the Czech Social Democratic Party and the support of the Communists. His cabinet focused on economic and social reforms.

During this period, a persistent conflict of interest and allegations of fraud involving Babiš and the Agrofert holding took shape, becoming a key line of attack for the opposition and EU institutions. The economic consequences of the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic played a significant role in the loss of electoral support, for which Babiš’s government was criticised and subsequently lost power in the 2021 elections.

Loss of power and presidential campaign. In the 2021 elections, ANO came second, and Babiš moved into opposition. In 2022, he ran for the office of President (elections held in 2023), advanced to the second round, but lost to retired army general Petr Pavel, former Chief of the General Staff of the Czech Armed Forces and former Chairman of the NATO Military Committee.

Return in 2025. At the elections in October 2025, Babiš once again led ANO to victory, securing a relative majority in parliament (35% of the vote and 80 out of 200 seats), opening the way for his return to leading positions in Czech politics. The ANO leader sought a configuration with smaller right-wing / Eurosceptic parties — SPD “Freedom and Direct Democracy” and Motoristů sobě “Motorists for Themselves” — balancing between the desire to form a single-party cabinet and the demands of potential partners to enter government. Against the backdrop of coalition negotiations, a softening of some pre-election positions took place, most notably with regard to Ukraine, under the influence of President Pavel and the broader foreign-policy context. The media noted ANO’s sustained appeal to voters, based on expectations of economic improvement and distrust of EU initiatives, while attention to corruption allegations and issues of governance effectiveness did not diminish. The 2025 cycle confirmed ANO’s status as a resilient political force and demonstrated Babiš’s political resilience: the defeat of 2021 and the failure in the 2023 elections were followed by a decisive victory and a return to power.

Family, lifestyle and interests

Andrej Babiš was married twice. His first wife was Beata (Beatrice) Adamovičová, his peer and former classmate, a medical doctor by profession. The marriage was concluded in the 1970s and ended in divorce in the early 2000s. Two children were born in the marriage: Adriana (1979) and Andrej Jr. (1982). After the separation in the 1990s, Beata lived in Slovakia and did not participate in public life. At present, Beata and Andrej Jr. live in Geneva.

His second wife was Monika Babišová (née Herodesová), born in 1974 and twenty years younger than Andrej. She is an economist by education and previously worked as a secretary in one of the companies of the Agrofert holding. The couple has two children: Vivien (2000) and Frederik (2003). They were in a civil partnership from 1994 and officially married in 2017, when Babiš was already Prime Minister. Monika accompanied her husband at official events and was a visible media figure as the Prime Minister’s spouse, considered one of the most public first ladies in the Czech Republic. In April 2024, Babiš publicly announced their divorce.

Andrej Babiš leads a lifestyle combining traits of a workaholic, technocrat and ascetic. By his own description, he is a “samotář a asketa” — a loner and an ascetic, a person without particular excesses or pleasures in everyday life, preferring order and control. He wakes up early, exercises in the mornings (stationary cycling and gym workouts), and almost does not read fiction, limiting himself to work-related correspondence and economic reviews. He does not drink, does not smoke, has no mistresses, and “does not lie and does not steal” — a phrase he frequently repeats in interviews as a moral principle. He describes his diet as “simple and predictable”, mostly eating in restaurants owned by the Agrofert holding.

He avoids informal contact with journalists, preferring interviews under pre-agreed conditions and on platforms that treat him favourably. He rarely appears at cultural events and does not participate in social life, considering it “empty”. He describes himself as “a pragmatist, not an ideologue”: he lives “by the principle of common sense and discipline”, considers work to be his form of rest, and calls himself “a person who does not relax”. At the same time, he acknowledges that “constant pressure and conflict with the media” have led to emotional burnout, and that “there are no friends in politics”, while “honesty is a luxury that provokes hatred”.

According to his own account, politics has “damaged his health”: he lost 13.5 kilograms, underwent a biopsy out of fear of cancer, and no longer works 16 hours a day as he did in his early years in power. Babiš continues to control an extensive network of assets, including agricultural and chemical companies, hotels and restaurants, but lives relatively privately, without displays of wealth, in his house in Průhonice near Prague, close to the headquarters of the Agrofert holding. His personal spending and lifestyle remain a closed topic, in contrast to his political and media activity, where he carefully constructs the image of a “tough but honest manager”.

Psychological profile

Andrej Babiš is a person with a pronounced controlling and rational mindset, in which business pragmatism is combined with distrust toward those around him. He is described as an “obsessive manager” — a person inclined toward micromanagement and operational perfectionism. He is accustomed to solving tasks personally, demanding precision and loyalty from subordinates.

He possesses a high level of energy and quick reactions but is emotionally cold. He tolerates chaos and uncertainty poorly and perceives any mistakes as betrayal. His managerial style is tough, at times authoritarian, yet structured: he prepares thoroughly and has command of figures and facts. He is not inclined toward abstract idealism — he evaluates everything through practical usefulness and efficiency, which makes him resemble a “corporate accountant in power”. The press notes that Babiš “thinks in Excel-like categories”, viewing the state as a system of accounting and control rather than as a community of citizens.

A motif of “self-sufficiency” frequently appears in his speech — he describes himself as a person “who owes nothing to anyone”. This is combined with an internal need for recognition: Babiš does not tolerate his position being publicly questioned. He simultaneously craves respect and fears humiliation, which makes him extremely sensitive to media pressure.

He adapts easily, reconstructs his personal narrative and changes rhetoric — from liberal-economic to populist — depending on the audience.

Emotional profile. Behind his outward coldness lies a tendency toward impulsive reactions. He often speaks of the “unfairness” of the press and of “campaigns against himself”, perceiving criticism not as part of political life but as a personal insult. In public appearances, he easily shifts from calm analysis to irritation, reflecting tense internal dynamics. The media describe him as a person with a high level of anxiety and a need to keep everything under control, which leads to emotional burnout. In 2024, he acknowledged that politics had “literally destroyed his health” and forced him to reconsider his habitual pace of life.

Attitude toward power and people. Babiš does not trust institutions — he trusts people, but only those personally vetted. His leadership style is patronage-based: he builds a vertical of loyalty in which he himself defines boundaries and rules. For supporters, he is “a strong manager who will restore order”; for critics, “a magnate who has replaced the system with himself”. He perceives power not as an ideological mission, but as a tool for risk management. His attitude toward the state is rational and technical: “The state should work like a firm. If it works badly, management needs to be changed.”

Internal conflict. Psychologically, Babiš lives in a constant contradiction between the image of a reformer and a sense of isolation. He wants to be recognised as a “man of action”, yet at the same time believes that society does not understand him. This generates a persistent feeling of “struggle against the system”, even when he himself is at the top of power.

Political position and views of Babiš and the ANO party he leads

State governance. The concept of a technocratic state or a manager-state, based on principles of efficiency, digitalisation and accountability. State structures are viewed as a management system analogous to a corporate one (“running the state like a firm”), and their performance is assessed through verifiable efficiency indicators. ANO advocates the centralisation of managerial functions, expenditure audits and cost savings, the reduction of bureaucracy (anti-elitist rhetoric), and the expansion of digital services for citizens.

Economic policy. Economic growth is viewed as the foundation of social stability. Support for industry, agriculture and exports; support for small and medium-sized enterprises; reduction of the fiscal burden while maintaining tax discipline and a moderate redistributive function of the state; a managed budget deficit, anti-inflationary measures and a predictable regulatory environment. Energy independence and investment in infrastructure; improving the energy efficiency of industry; support for the “green transition” only to the extent that it does not lead to additional costs for households or a reduction in industrial competitiveness.

Social sphere. Reducing excessive dependence of citizens on the state; protecting “ordinary people” from elite bureaucracy and clans. Targeted populist measures (tariff freezes, targeted compensation) during crisis periods while maintaining budgetary discipline; targeted assistance to socially vulnerable groups (pensioners, families with children, healthcare workers), with an emphasis on the efficiency of resource allocation.

Migration policy and security. A tough stance against pan-European quotas and mandatory redistribution of refugees; a controlled and economically justified policy. Priority given to internal security, strengthening border controls and reinforcing the police. In the field of security: unconditional support for NATO membership, scepticism toward increasing defence spending, prioritisation of national interests and diplomatic resolution of conflicts.

Media and institutions. Criticism of the media and NGOs for bias and a “liberal monopoly of opinions”. Increasing media accountability and the “depoliticisation of public institutions”; reforming the funding system of public broadcasting and limiting the “influence of private groups on political journalism”. Reliance on direct communication and the development of a proprietary media ecosystem (including loyal platforms).

Foreign policy and the European Union

A pragmatic-national course based on defending Czech interests within Euro-Atlantic structures. Criticism of excessive centralisation in Brussels; preservation of the principle of sovereign decision-making by EU member states: a “pro-European, but not pro-Brussels approach”. Support for the single market and pragmatic EU initiatives; defence of the interests of national industry and the agricultural sector; opposition to the implementation of the “green transition” in its current form and to costly supranational projects.

Relations with Russia. Babiš does not belong to the pro-Russian politicians of the region. During his premiership in 2021, the Czech Republic sharply tightened its position following the investigation into the explosions at ammunition depots in Vrbětice (2014), accusing Russian military intelligence of organising the blasts and carrying out large-scale expulsions of diplomats. A moderately tough stance remains: the party recognises Russia as an aggressor and supports EU sanctions, while avoiding harsh anti-Russian statements. The debate focuses on the scale of assistance to Ukraine and the cost of sanctions for households and businesses. Babiš emphasises that the Czech Republic “must protect its interests and security, but not become a hostage of geopolitical games”, and advocates a pragmatic approach to relations with Moscow after the end of the war, within the framework of international law.

Ukraine. ANO holds a position of restrained support for Ukraine, emphasising the need for a swift end to the war and the search for a diplomatic solution. Babiš condemned Russian aggression against Ukraine but criticised policy toward Ukrainian refugees: the Czech Republic accepted several hundred thousand people, yet the government must primarily take care of its own citizens. Babiš stated that his government would not allocate funds directly from the budget for weapons for Ukraine, as the Czech Republic provides assistance through the European Union, but supported the participation of Czech companies in arms supplies, viewing this as an economic opportunity for the country. Regarding the Czech initiative to supply artillery shells to Ukraine — a symbol of the outgoing government’s foreign policy, under which Ukraine received 3.5 million shells — Babiš declared his intention to reformat the mechanism of the initiative (accountability, transparency, transfer under NATO auspices), while simultaneously confirming the importance of support. The position of President Petr Pavel, who insists on continuing the initiative, serves as an important constraining factor. Updated. On 9 October 2025, Andrej Babiš, in a telephone conversation with President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky, expressed support for the Ukrainian people and wished for the swift end of the war. The politicians discussed the possibility of a personal meeting in 2026 to continue the dialogue. Zelensky thanked Babiš for the strategic partnership.

Conclusion. The politics of ANO and its leader Babiš reflect a model of technocratic populism in which managerial efficiency and national interest are presented as an alternative to ideological programmes. The party seeks to combine a pragmatic pro-European approach with a critical attitude toward EU elites and bureaucracy, essentially positioning itself as a centre-right force with a moderately conservative orientation.

Scandals and legal conflicts

EU subsidy fraud (the “Čapí hnízdo” case). Andrej Babiš was accused of unlawfully obtaining an EU subsidy for small and medium-sized enterprises in the amount of €2 million for the construction and development of a resort hotel and leisure centre near Prague, known as “Stork’s Nest” (“Čapí hnízdo”). The allegations involved the use of formal schemes to remove the beneficiary company from the Agrofert holding and to conceal the real link between them. Investigations by the Czech police and the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) led to criminal proceedings. Babiš was acquitted in January 2023, but the decision was overturned and a new trial was initiated. After an acquittal at first instance in 2024, an appeal in June 2025 annulled the verdict and returned the case for retrial. The case, which has lasted for more than 12 years, remains open and continues to affect coalition negotiations and the reputation of the ANO leader.

Pandora Papers and offshore assets. Babiš appeared in the Pandora Papers leak; he was accused of using offshore structures to purchase real estate and conceal assets, in particular in connection with the acquisition of the Château Bigaud villa on the French Riviera. He denied any wrongdoing, describing the leak as politically motivated. French anti–money laundering authorities conducted reviews in 2022–2024, and in 2024 the property, valued at €22.5 million, was put up for sale.

Links to the Czechoslovak State Security service (StB). According to documents from the Slovak Nation’s Memory Institute, Babiš was registered as an StB agent under the code name “Bureš” from 1980 to 1985. He denies conscious cooperation, although Slovak courts in 2018 and 2024 confirmed this status. In October 2024, the Slovak Ministry of the Interior, as part of an out-of-court settlement, acknowledged that he had not cooperated “consciously” and that his registration as an agent in StB documents had been unlawful. Politically, the issue remains polarising.

Political and ethical disputes, court proceedings and rulings. Babiš has been persistently criticised for conflicts of interest and pressure on opponents. Mass protests in 2018–2019 were linked to anti-corruption cases; an audit by the European Commission in 2021 identified violations of conflict-of-interest rules related to the Agrofert holding even after the transfer of assets into a trust in 2017. He has been subject to investigations and court proceedings on allegations of fraud, corruption and abuse of power. Charges have been brought, followed by acquittals and case reviews, with the situation exacerbated by the protracted and ambiguous nature of judicial procedures. These and other scandals have entrenched Babiš’s image as a controversial leader; ongoing court cases continue to sustain an atmosphere of controversy and distrust around him.

Conclusions and development scenarios

Andrej Babiš’s return to power reflects a shift among part of the electorate toward pragmatic populism and a right-leaning agenda focused on prices and living standards, migration, energy costs, and distrust of supranational EU initiatives. This process is reinforced by public irritation with “top-down reforms” and the inflationary post-crisis context of 2022–2024.

A high level of political polarisation and instability persists, expressed in frequent changes of governments and party alliances. Society shows fatigue with traditional politics, accompanied by expectations of economic reforms and social support, as well as an ambivalent perception of foreign policy, including the country’s position on Ukraine. The economic situation remains challenging due to tax policy and regulatory pressure, negatively affecting both business and citizens’ living standards. The ANO party, led by Andrej Babiš, retains a leading role, relying on populist rhetoric, anti-corruption slogans and economic pragmatism. The main political opponents of Babiš use accusations of corruption and conflicts of interest against him, supported by investigative materials and court proceedings.

Despite ongoing scandals and legal cases that create risks for political stability and the legitimacy of power, the growth of support for ANO and its electoral victory indicate the continued presence of a significant segment of the electorate that trusts Babiš, his style of governance and his vision for the country’s direction. Babiš faces complex coalition negotiations, and the formation of a government will require cooperation with right-wing and Eurosceptic parties, which may alter both the foreign and domestic policy of the Czech Republic. The Czech Republic’s position on key international issues, including relations with Ukraine and the EU, may shift toward a more pragmatic and nationally oriented policy.

For the country’s sustainable development, it will be necessary to balance economic reforms, the fight against corruption, the provision of social justice and resistance to external threats. This will constitute a key challenge for the new coalition government, regarding which doubts remain about its capacity to respond effectively. The development of the political situation is largely determined by the combination of Babiš’s managerial pragmatism and his inclination toward a personalist style of power, as reflected in his political profile. The baseline scenario is the continuation of political instability and periodic changes of government.